LRC submissions to 60th Ordinary Session of the African Commission

The Legal Resources Centre (LRC) attended the 60th Ordinary Session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Commission), held from 8 May 2017 in Niger, as well as the NGO Forum that took place over the preceding weekend.

During the NGO Forum, the LRC and the Kenya Human Rights Commission, on behalf of the International Network of Civil Liberties Organizations (INCLO), hosted a panel on “Surveillance as a threat to privacy rights and doorstep to further violations: A discussion on Africa’s unfolding experiences”. The purpose of the panel was to raise awareness of the case studies and recommendations contained in the report prepared by INCLO members titled “Surveillance and democracy: Chilling tales from around the world”.  A copy of the INCLO report is accessible here (PDF).

While surveillance has a clear and direct impact on the right to privacy, it is well-established that such violations of the right to privacy also impact the enjoyment of other rights, including the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly, and hinder the work being done by civil society organisations and the media.  Surveillance is therefore a matter of importance that affects all organisations, regardless of the specific focus area of work.

The LRC also delivered a statement (see below) to the African Commission, focusing on specific issues raised by the African Commission in its concluding observations and recommendations following the 2016 review of South Africa’s second periodic report under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Charter). The concluding observations and recommendations were adopted by the African Commission in June 2016, and a copy is accessible Concluding Observations and Recommendations (PDF).

Building on these concluding observations and recommendations, our statement to the African Commission during the current session dealt with the following three key issues: (i) information rights, in particular the rights to freedom of expression and privacy; (ii) the extractives industry and the environment, as well as corporate accountability more broadly; and (iii) the need for effective remedies for victims of torture.

The South African government also delivered a statement to the African Commission, in which the following issues were highlighted: (i) the right to education; (ii) the plight of women; and (iii) the challenge of migration and the attacks against foreign nationals.

During this statement, Ambassador Ntshinga, delivering the statement, stated that “[h]uman rights remains embedded in our foreign policy”, and that South Africa will “continue to work towards the entrenchment of democracy and the respect for human rights on the African continent through continental and regional bodies”.  Regarding the violent attacks against foreign nationals, Ambassador Ntshinga stated to the African Commission that “[w]e condemn the violence in the strongest possible terms and sincerely apologise to those who were affected”. A copy of the South African Government statement 60th session African Commission is accessible.

Lastly, this session marked the launch of two important legal documents by the African Commission, both of which are important contributions to the work being done on these issues in both regional and domestic contexts:

For more information about the work of the African Commission, visit www.achpr.org.  The next session of the African Commission, scheduled to be held in October/November this year in The Gambia, will celebrate the 30th anniversary of the African Commission coming into existence.

___________________________________________________________________________________________

STATEMENT OF THE LEGAL RESOURCES CENTRE

AT THE 60TH ORDINARY SESSION OF THE AFRICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN AND PEOPLES’ RIGHTS, HELD IN NIGER

9 MAY 2017 | OBSERVER STATUS NUMBER 376

Honourable Chair, Honourable Commissioners, state representatives, national human rights institutions and fellow NGOs:

Last year, South Africa came before the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Commission) for its review of compliance with its obligations in terms of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.  The Legal Resources Centre (LRC) urges the South African government to pay due regard to the concluding observations adopted by the African Commission at its 20th Extraordinary Session during June 2016, to recognise their binding nature and to take concrete steps to implement these recommendations.  In this statement, we wish to highlight three broad areas that arose within these concluding observations: (i) freedom of expression; (ii) the extractives industry and the environment, as well as corporate accountability more broadly; and (iii) the need for effective remedies for victims of torture.

As a point of departure, we recall that one of the concluding observations was to expedite the establishment of the Information Regulator in terms of the Protection of Personal Information Act, 2013.  We note that, since the publication of the concluding observations, the five members of the Information Regulator have now been appointed, and in this regard we wish to extend our sincere congratulations to the Honourable Chairperson, Advocate Tlakula, on her appointment as the head of the Information Regulator in South Africa.  We urge the South African government to provide the Office of the Information Regulator with all necessary support and resources to ensure that it is able to fully establish and operate without delay, and to ensure that it enjoys complete structural and functional independence to be able to undertake its mandate effectively.

Notwithstanding this development, we remain deeply concerned about ongoing surveillance in the country.  There are a number of documented allegations of members of civil society and the media have been placed under surveillance.  This is not only a violation of the right to privacy, but also directly affects the right to freedom of expression, the right to freedom of assembly and the right to freedom of association.  As a matter of first-hand experience, the LRC received a ruling from the Investigatory Powers Tribunal in the United Kingdom in 2015, revealing that an email address associated with the LRC had been subject to unlawful surveillance by the British Government Communications Headquarters.  Surveillance activities such as this will undoubtedly hinder the work of members of civil society and the media, and should be strongly condemned.  We further urge the South African government to fulfil its undertaking to reform the current surveillance framework to ensure that it is constitutionally-compliant.

We are further concerned by the proliferation of draft laws that, if passed into law, would likely have a deeply harmful impact on the right to freedom of expression.  We note, in this regard, the concerns expressed by the African Commission in its concluding observations regarding the Protection of State Information Bill and the Cybercrimes and Cybersecurity Bill, noting in particular the provision permitting journalists and members of the public to be prosecuted for possessing or disclosing state information.  We echo the call made by the African Commission in its concluding observations for the Protection of State Information Bill and the Cybercrimes and Cybersecurity Bill to be brought in line with regional and international standards and best practices.  In a similar vein, as noted by the African Commission in its concluding observations, we remind the government of its undertakings to decriminalise the common law crime of defamation, and urge the government to take steps in fulfilment of these undertakings.

We also take this opportunity to commend the 2017 Joint Declaration by Special Rapporteurs on Fake News, which was a well-timed and important contribution to the discourse, and was of significant value for civil society organisations in seeking to curb efforts by governments to use the so-called fake news rhetoric to unduly restrict the right to freedom of expression.  Across the continent, we see governments clamping down on the right to freedom of expression – particularly freedom of expression online – which affects all members of the public.  We urge the African Commission to continue its important work focusing on freedom of expression online specifically, including the impact that digital surveillance has on the enjoyment of this right.

With regard to the extractives industry and the environment, we note that mining and resource governance remains of serious concern to the LRC and the communities that we assist.  We remind the South African government of the African Commission’s 2012 resolution that emphasised “the disproportionate impact of human rights abuses upon the rural communities in Africa that continue to struggle to assert their customary rights of access and control of various resources”.  We urge the South African government to act with haste in considering and implementing the detailed recommendations contained in the African Commission’s concluding observations in relation to the extractives industry and the environment.

In particular, as we still wait for justice for those Lonmin mineworkers who were tragically killed at the Marikana massacre in 2012, we note the call from the African Commission for the South African government to report on the steps taken to implement the recommendations of the Marikana Commission of Inquiry and to address the underlying factors that precipitated the massacre.  Scant information is known about the efforts being undertaken to fulfil the recommendations of the Marikana Commission of Inquiry, and we urge the South African government to report comprehensively about the investigations undertaken and the consequences thereof.

This raises a broader question of corporate accountability.  In this regard, we note the ongoing work of the Inter-Governmental Working Group of the United Nations to develop a binding treaty for transnational corporations for violations of human rights.  The resolution establishing this working group was co-sponsored by South Africa, and provides an important opportunity for local communities to participate in their own development by ensuring community participation in the drafting of the treaty.  Given the direct impact that this has on Africa, it is imperative that African organisations play an active role in this process, and urge all organisations present to make sure that your voices are heard in this process.

The third issue relates to the lack of measures to provide reparations for victims of torture, which the African Commission urged the South African government to take measures to provide for.  The LRC currently represents a number of persons who allege having been tortured whilst incarcerated at the Mangaung Correctional Centre, a private prison operated by G4S Correction Services.  Our clients allege having suffered an array of violations, including having been electro-shocked, assaulted, forcibly injected and held in solitary confinement for extensive periods of time.  In our pleadings, we contend on behalf of our clients inter alia that this is a violation of their fundamental rights to human dignity, life, freedom and security of the person and of every detained person to conditions of detention consistent with human dignity.  It is self-evidently of significant importance to ensure that victims of acts of torture are able to access appropriate remedies for the violations that they have suffered.  In this regard, we welcome the adoption of the General Comment No. 4 on the Right to Redress for Victims of Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Punishment or Treatment, and commend all those involved, as General Comment No. 4 provides uniquely useful guidance on this matter.

Moreover, the LRC and our partner organisations in the International Network of Civil Liberties Organizations (INCLO) welcome the adoption and publication of the Guidelines for the Policing of Assemblies by Law Enforcement Officials in Africa.  The LRC notes in particular the forward-looking nature of the Guidelines, and commends the African Commission, the African Policing Civilian Oversight Forum and the Danish Institute for Human Rights for the various participatory processes which led to the finalisation of these Guidelines.  Particularly, we welcome the progressive guidance given to law enforcement officials on the use of force and firearms, including the proper use of less-lethal weapons.

Finally, as a general note, we call on the African Commission to urge the South African government to respect the rule of law, and to respect both the authority and the independence of those institutions mandated to protect the rule of law in South Africa.  The ability of such institutions to function independently is critical to the maintenance of democracy and rule of law in South Africa, and must be fiercely guarded.

[Ends]

 

 

 

What is debt?

This is the second in a series on debt and how it can effect you. The previous post dealt with SA’s junk status and can be read here.

In its broadest sense, the idea of a “debt” refers to an obligation to do something, whether by payment or by the delivery of goods and services, or not to do something.  For the purposes of this series, we will focus only on the obligation to repay money.

South Africans are no strangers to borrowing money.  In 2014, the World Bank Findex reported that a higher percentage of people in South African borrowed money than in any other country in the world.[i]  “Borrowing” could mean borrowing from financial institutions, from friends and family, from stores (buying on credit) and from private informal lenders.  These are all types of debt.

Whatever the case may be, if you have debt, or are thinking of borrowing money, there are some important things you need to consider:

  1. Whether the debt will be secured or unsecured;
  2. What your interest rate will be; and
  3. How many repayments you will be required to make.

In this post we will discuss some of the common types of debt and what makes them different from one another.

Common types of debt

Secured versus unsecured debt

Secured debt is when the person you borrow money from has some sort of claim to your assets if you don’t pay them back.[ii]  Home loans are a good example of secured debt.  On the other hand, unsecured debt is debt without any collateral or security.  A personal loan from a bank is unsecured.  Because secured debt is less risky, lenders will usually offer better interest rates for secured debt compared to unsecured debt.

Home loans

For many people, buying a home or land is the largest financial investment they will make over the course of their lives.  A home loan is a loan given by a financial institution for the purchase of a house. They will give you enough money to buy the house today, if you agree to pay off the loan with interest in small amounts over a number of years.  As it is such a large amount of money, the financial institution will usually require that the loan be secured by a mortgage bond over the property.  This means that your house is the collateral for the loan, and can be seized by the bank if you fail to pay your debt.

What is a mortgage bond?

A mortgage bond is a legal instrument which is registered against the title deed of immovable property.  It gives the bond holder something called a “real right” over your property.  This prevents the owner of the property from selling the property without the permission of the bond holder, and allows the bond holder to sell the property if the owner fails to pay their home loan repayments, as agreed.

A bond comes into being when you sign bond documents with the bank or the bank’s attorneys.  On a practical level, it is a note on the Deeds Office records that someone else has a real right over your property.

Car finance

You can finance your car through a financial institution in one of two ways: an instalment sale agreement, or a lease sale agreement.  In both cases, the bank will own the car until you pay off the loan. Once you have made all the payments on an instalment sale agreement, you become the owner of the car.  In the case of a lease sale agreement, you get the option to buy the car once the agreement has run its course.

You should always be wary of the fact that cars lose value over time.  So, if you buy a car and need to sell it in a year’s time because you can no longer afford the repayments, it is possible that you won’t make enough money from the sale to repay everything you owe.

Personal Loans

A personal loan isn’t secured against anything you own. Unsecured loans are riskier than secured loans because it is less certain that the lender will get their money back if you fail to pay the loan repayments. To cover the risk, the lender will usually require a higher interest rate.  Where you might get a home loan at 2% “above prime”, you could get a personal loan at anything from 5% to 20% above prime. In real monetary terms, that means you are paying a lot more for the debt.

Although it is a riskier form of debt, this does not mean that the lender can’t get their money back.  A lender will still be able to enforce the agreement through the courts and the mechanisms in the National Credit Act 34 of 2005.

Payments by monthly instalments

Think of all of those adverts you see which tell you that you have the choice of paying for a product today, or paying a number of smaller payments over a number of months (TVs, furniture and cell phone contracts). If you choose to pay off the item over a number of months, you will have a contractual obligation to make those payments and, if you default, the store that you bought the item from will be able to take legal action against you for breaching that contractual obligation.  This could involve reclaiming the item, cancelling the contract, and/or claiming damages against you.  You will usually end up spending much more for the product than you would have if you had saved up and bought it cash.

Private informal lenders

Borrowing from informal lenders is common in South Africa.[iii]  Private informal lenders are unregulated and, as such, may charge much higher interest than formal lenders. If you are borrowing informally, make sure that you know what interest will be expected from you.  Be careful of lenders that don’t agree to repayment terms and interest up front, as you could end up repaying many times what you borrowed.

Debt traps

A debt trap is the term used to describe a situation where a person has debt that is extremely difficult or impossible to repay.  One of the ways in which you can fall into a debt trap is when you start borrowing from other institutions, or from informal lenders, to repay the debt you currently have.  It becomes a downward spiral when the new debt is on worse terms (higher interest) than the old debt. The further into debt you get, the closer you get to being blacklisted, declared insolvent and having your assets sold to repay your creditors.

Good debt management

Debt can be a very useful tool for buying assets or financing your dreams, but it can also be a quick way to lose a lot of the things you have worked so hard for.  Being aware of how debt works and how to manage it is crucial if you are going to rely on debt to help you to reach your goals.

When you take out debt, remember that interest is the cost of that debt.  The higher your interest rate, the more you are spending to get debt. The lower your interest, the cheaper your debt – always aim to get the lowest interest rate you can. One of the ways that a financial institution will determine what your interest rate will be, is to consider your credit rating.  When you default on your payments (make late payments or no payment at all), your credit rating goes down. This will make your future debt more expensive and possibly lead to your eventual blacklisting. When you pay your debts according to the terms of your agreement, your credit rating improves. The better your credit rating, the more likely you will be offered better interest rates in future – always try to stick to the terms of your contracts.

In our next part of this series, we will deal with the issue of interest rates and inflation and how this affects debt.

By: Alexander Ashton

Alexandra Ashton is an attorney heading up the LRC Johannesburg debt and housing department. She holds a BCom and an LLB with distinction from Wits University. 

Alex, with thanks to the continued financial support of Legal Aid South Africa, is currently working on assisting people who lost their homes as a result of the fraudulent Brusson Finance lending scheme to be restored ownership of their properties.

Disclaimer: The opinions expressed by the Realising Rights bloggers and those providing comments are theirs alone, and do not reflect the opinions of the Legal Resources Centre. The Legal Resources Centre is not responsible for the accuracy of any of the information supplied by the bloggers.

[i] According to the World Bank, Global Findex Data Bank, (available at: Databank.worldbank.org/data/reports.aspx?source=1228) 85.6% of South Africans had borrowed money in the year leading up to the report compared to the global average of 42%.  See also Demirguc-Kunt et al, “The Global Findex Database 2014: Measuring Financial Inclusion around the World” at page 7 available at: http://www.worldbank.org/en/programs/globalfindex.

[ii] A secured loan is defined in the National Credit Act No.34 of 2005 as “an agreement, irrespective of its form . . . in terms of which a person advances money or grants credit to another, and retains, or receives a pledge to any movable property or other thing of value as security for all amounts due under that agreement”.

[iii] The 2014 World Bank Findex Data Bank recorded that 10.9% of South Africans have borrowed from informal lenders.

How the ratings downgrade affects your debt: a legal perspective

[Featured image sourced from BusinessTech]

As of today, 07 April 2017, both Standard and Poor’s (S&P) and Fitch, two of the three international ratings agencies alongside Moody’s, have downgraded South Africa’s credit rating to sub-investment grade, or “junk status”. There has been a lot of discussion about how this could affect the exchange rate, international investment, taxes and government spending. But how does it affect the average person and what, from a legal standpoint, should you be aware of?

Before we start, it is important to note that there is no need to panic. Economic changes don’t usually happen too drastically, or overnight. Nonetheless, there are things that you should do to prepare yourself so that you are not caught financially off-guard by changes as they happen.

So what can the average person expect? The average person could be affected in five ways: taxes may increase, interest rates may increase, inflation may increase, job security may decrease and returns on your pension, provident and retirement funds will probably decrease. What this boils down to is more pressure on your pocket. That pressure will make it harder to save, invest, and – more critically – make it harder to repay debt and cover your day-to-day expenses. In this post we are going to focus on what happens when you can’t pay back your debt.

First of all, what is debt? Debt is when you have effectively borrowed someone else’s money that you need to pay back. Debt can take a number of forms. Home loans, vehicle finance, credit card debt, personal loans, store cards, cell phone contracts, and instalment sales are all forms of debt. With the pressure of interest rate increases and rising costs of expenses, it becomes harder to make your monthly repayments. If you don’t or can’t pay your monthly instalments, your credit provider can take a number of legal steps against you depending on you contract with them and the nature of the debt.

Ultimately, the law recognises a creditor’s right to be paid for what they have lent you. So if you stop paying, you don’t simply get to walk away without repercussions The law provides a number of ways for creditors to get their money back. Ultimately, each way puts your belongings and, sometimes, your livelihood and home at risk. Common legal routes to recoup unpaid debt are as follows:

  • Bonds over your immovable property (mortgage bonds) allow credit providers to sell off that immovable property to repay themselves. You might have a home loan secured by a mortgage bond over your house for instance.  If you default, the bond would allow the bank to sell your home.
  • Writs of execution allow creditors to sell your movable property (for example your car or furniture), and or your immovable property to pay themselves back.
  • Garnishee orders / emolument attachment orders allow a creditor to deduct money straight off your salary.
  • Orders of insolvency allow creditors to sell off your assets to repay themselves.

Over and above all of this, defaulting means that you run the risk of being black listed. If you are black listed you won’t be able to get credit in future. If you avoid black listing, you may run the risk of having your own personal credit rating downgraded. Just like the S&P downgrade, this will make credit institutions less inclined to lend you money, and if they are willing to lend you money, it will more than likely be at interest higher rates.

So basically, you need to avoid defaulting on your debt.

What you as a consumer and a debt holder can do to avoid default is to first and foremost “know your debt”. In other words, know exactly how much you have borrowed, and exactly how much you have to pay back on a monthly basis.

Secondly, “know your interest rates”. You need to know which of your interest rates are flexible and take steps to understand what an increase in the repo rate will mean for each of your repayments. Most debt is granted on a flexible interest rate. What this means is that if the reserve bank chooses to increase the repo or “prime” lending rate (which is likely to happen following a downgrade) your interest rate will also be increased.

Thirdly, “have a plan to reduce your debt”. Have a plan of how you are going to repay your debt. The best place to start to reduce debt is try to reduce your expenses and to use any extra money you have – after paying off your monthly repayments – to pay off your debt starting with the debt with highest interest rate.

Fourth, “try to avoid more debt”. Particularly avoid debt on medium-sized purchases and purchases you don’t need. That new TV may only cost you “R199 per month!!!” But that is adding to your debt burden, your risk of default, and usually, you will end up paying more for that TV over the long run than you will if you save up and buy it in a lump sum. Yes, this means you may not have as many nice things. But if interest rates increase you will be grateful that you are not drowning in debt.

Fifth, “downsize if necessary”. Do you really need that expensive car, that expensive house, or that fancy cellphone? Think about going simpler, smaller and cheaper. When it comes to debt, every little bit counts.

I hope this basic overview has been helpful. Over the weeks to come, we are going to run a number of articles on our “Realising Rights blog” to unpack the concepts set out in this article with the aim of helping you take control of your debt.

By Alexandra Ashton

Alexandra Ashton is an attorney heading up the LRC Johannesburg’s debt and housing department. She holds a BCom and an LLB with distinction from Wits.

Alex, with thanks to the continued financial support of Legal Aid South Africa, is currently working on assisting people who lost their homes as a result of the fraudulent Brusson Finance lending scheme to be restored with ownership of their properties.

Disclaimer: The opinions expressed by the Realising Rights bloggers and those providing comments are theirs alone, and do not reflect the opinions of the Legal Resources Centre. The Legal Resources Centre is not responsible for the accuracy of any of the information supplied by the bloggers.

Acceptance of the University Gold Medal

On acceptance of the University Gold Award for the Legal Resources Centre, presented by the University of the Witwatersrand, 23 March 2017

  • Speech by Janet Love, National Director

On behalf of the Legal Resources Centre, I would like to convey our appreciation to the Council of Wits University for the honour and distinction bestowed upon us through this Award.

Wits is the alma mater not only of Arthur Chaskalson and Felicia Kentridge – two of the founders of the LRC – but also of many others who have made the organisation what it is today – including stalwarts of our struggle like George Bizos, the LRC’s internal Senior Counsel, and Thandi Orleyn, the Chairperson of our Board of Trustees, who are here with us tonight. Wits is also the trusted custodian of some of the LRC’s archives and papers. In addition, our work has been enhanced through the partnerships and working relations we have forged with many components of the University including the Centre for Applied Legal Studies, the Wits Law Clinic, the former Wages Commission with its links to the Industrial Aid Society which served as one of the first Advice Offices supported by the LRC, the Sociology of Work Programme (SWOP), the Joburg Centre for Software Engineering (JCSE) and the Students for Law and Social Justice – to name just a few. So this Award and the recognition it embodies has special significance for us.

Thank you also for affording me this opportunity to make a few remarks at this graduation ceremony. Firstly, congratulations to the students! Whatever your individual or collective views are, or whatever the extent of your activism while on campus: you will look back at this period and know that you were part of the turbulence – a turbulence that may develop into the winds of change. Engagements with and within the #FeesMustFall movement have seen the emergence of the so-called ‘flat-line’ leadership structures rather than the channelling of discussion through traditional structures that were used when I was a student. In this different ‘flat-line’ formation may lie the seeds of much innovation in terms of engagement and organisation, and some of this may be enabled by innovations in the social media space.

However, currently there are multiple processes (the Fees Commission, the Higher Education Ministerial Task Team, the Mandela Foundation’s Higher Education National Convention) and I wonder how much students have been able to engage thus far amongst themselves about these issues or within all or any of these processes. The linkages from one campus to the next seem tenuous at best. These are the challenges of organisation: so although current organisation may be innovative and responsive to the current mood, it may simultaneously make the development of alternatives and finding the pathways forward additionally difficult. Discussions around decolonisation and critical race theory which also do not, in themselves, resolve the debate about free education for all versus free education for the poor and the related discussion about what thresholds or mechanisms could or should be used to determine poverty. And there are many other critical issues affecting students ranging from access to bandwidth and data to student living conditions.

Much as I believe that the values of our Constitution are a guide to action and include a clear imperative for fundamental transformation of our society, exactly what this transformation actually looks like – and how we get there – are issues that require organisation and leadership at all levels and in all spaces. It is our individual and our collective responsibility. There is no script. There is no single answer. There is no one path to bring about the Constitutional promise and to ensure that inequality is not exacerbated by the options we choose. This is as true for the right to water as it is for the right to education.

The travesty against justice that was colonialism and the crime against humanity that was apartheid are with us today in many ways. We can point to change and progress but this cannot disguise our failures. For example, we have failed to effect the land restitution and land reform programme. We cannot deny that we have failed to hold accountable those who treated the Truth and Reconciliation Commission with disdain – they have not been brought to justice and reparations have not been made. Inequality has grown and exclusion is something that is not openly, actively and constantly reckoned with as it needs to be.

The LRC seeks to advance inclusion and equality; to secure dignity and development for all; and to enable our democracy: through using the law to make our Constitutional framework deliver on its promise to all in South Africa. To this end, we provide free legal services for vulnerable people including: those who suffer discrimination by reason of race, class, gender, disability or through historical, social and economic circumstances; and those who stand up against abuse of power and corruption. To these ends, we use a range of strategies to bring about creative and effective solutions. The law and our use of it, is only one part of the picture. What we do cannot happen without the organisation of and the leadership and mobilisation by the clients we represent. And we too need to do more to transform. This includes the demographics within our own organisation and making more consistent progress towards transforming the legal sector including ensuring that there is a greater consciousness with regard to who from the members of the Bar are briefed in our matters. And it also involves being more creative about the way we engage in the broader public space.

The rule of law cannot exist in a media bubble; it needs the argument surrounding a case to be built in the public mind; it needs the solutions to be sought and articulated; it needs a dominant narrative to be developed in order to make the processes of the law and objectives of any particular case to be clearly understood and to have a real prospect of being meaningful in improving the day to day lives of ordinary people. The law needs to secure this influence to enable it to be a real check and balance on those with political and economic power. Yet, who dominates the narrative? Is there adequate transparency and information? Is there conscious effort to engage, persuade and convince? These issues and questions are as relevant to each and every one of our cases as they are to the debates around higher education.

We need to be conscious of the fact that all institutions are fragile. While we see political parties – and particularly those in power – cannibalise their own support, we watch as some seek to unravel the social compact we achieved at the dawn of our democracy without laying any ground for alternative ways to take forward people’s aspirations.

As there is repeated failure to hold those in authority accountable, we know that this is compounded by corruption, the manipulation of public institutions and the hollowing out of critical areas of governance. And in this way, the peoples’ trust in institutions – all institutions – begins to break down. And once broken, this trust is difficult to restore – regardless of who is in office.

We are not unique. There is a loss of credibility the world over in the ability of the State to deliver. This has led to the politics of negation, disruption and often to fragmentation. It is an unknown that stands before us as we let institutions break down without visualising what comes instead and this makes it both scary and dangerous: scary because building is a more painstaking process than destruction; and dangerous because into a vacuum can come the rhetorical noise of an empty drum which promises all but does not offer alternatives or deliver anything.

It is into this vortex that those who have just completed your studies are stepping. Impatience is not enough. Leadership, facts and figuring out how something can be achieved – these are vital.

“Facts matter,” said the former US Vice-President, Joe Biden. Yet without taking hold of the narrative and without doing more than confining our engagement to 144-character twittering exchanges, facts will continue to elude us and the public consciousness.

How do we locate the law in the context of fact? This is important for our work and for ensuring that the promise of our democracy is realised. For example, the Constitution is unambiguous about the need for land reform and land restitution and explicitly provides for the option of expropriation. The Constitution takes the view that any consideration of compensation – it does not say that compensation is a requirement – must reflect “an equitable balance between the public interest and the interests of [all] those affected” – including those who had their land forcibly removed and those who have occupied it in the period since. It requires all relevant circumstances to be taken into account, including the history of the acquisition, the use of the property over time and the extent of direct state investment and subsidy.

So what has gone wrong? Why has there been so little progress? Why has this, ‘the Property Clause’, been used to enrich a few at the expense of many? Why has it excluded rather than included? We should all ask. But there is simply no factual basis for blaming the Constitution and the wording of the clause itself. By doing so, we miss the point. We allow the real reasons that relate to the failures in implementation and often to corruption to be obscured thereby delaying the urgently needed correction.

The Constitutional structures and principles are there to serve people, and in particular poor people. We need to remember that the judiciary, too, is a fragile institution and cannot and should not bear the burden of failures of other organs of State; nor should it have to grapple with the failures of those who approach the Court without having given adequate thought to the practical challenges of implementation; to the challenges of oversight; to challenges that accompany the processes for enforcement – all these need to be crafted as options to be addressed as part of proposed remedy. Not just in Court but in our society and in debates and matters beyond.

Judicial independence needs independent lawyers who recognise that the legal profession is under an obligation to serve the public interest. Lawyers and all graduates and professionals cannot serve only the elite in our society and services have to be available to all who need them. This is part of what needs to become embedded in all of our missions and imaginings.

We have a Constitution which limits the power of the State from interfering with the rights of the individual and which also addresses the regulation of private power. In this, we really lead in the world. It is a Constitution which expressly empowers the state to address and redress the consequences of centuries of dispossession and discrimination. It requires inclusion. It is a Constitution which provides the basis and the imperative to make this our individual and collective responsibility. So let us get on with it – let us all move ahead with the business of using our Constitution to the fullest extent possible in everything we do.

Thank you.